Yet this is not the final word. Those convicted retain the right to appeal to higher courts, so the ultimate outcome will be settled only through the upper tiers of the judicial process. In addition, the cases of the eight absconding defendants will resume once they are arrested, meaning the full picture of the scandal, and its final tally of accountability, has yet to emerge.

The Kathmandu District Court has sentenced former Deputy Prime Minister Top Bahadur Rayamajhi to four years in prison and a fine of Rs 40,000 in the high-profile fake Bhutanese refugee case, in which Nepali citizens were to be passed off as Bhutanese refugees and sent to the United States. Former Home Minister Balkrishna Khand received two years' imprisonment and a Rs 20,000 fine.
The bench of Judge Tej Bahadur Khadka handed down sentences on Tuesday to the 16 people already found guilty. The court had convicted 16 of the 31 defendants on 23 Ashar, while acquitting seven and holding the cases of eight absconding defendants in abeyance until their arrest.
The difference in the two former ministers' sentences reflects the difference in their proven roles. Rayamajhi was convicted of fraud, organized crime, offenses against the state and an integrated offense, whereas Khand was found guilty as an accomplice in fraud and organized crime. It was the gravity of the charges, not the seniority of the accused, that determined the length of each term.
Alongside the two ministers, several others received the maximum four-year term: former Home Secretary Teknarayan Pandey, former lawmaker Angtawa Sherpa, security adviser to the then home minister Indrajit Rai, and gang members Keshav Dulal, Sanu Bhandari, Sagar Rai, Sandesh Sharma and Govinda Chaudhary alias Bikram. Bhutanese refugee leader Teknath Rijal was sentenced to two years, and four others to one year each.
The most significant interpretive point lies in how the court framed the crime. Rather than treating it as ordinary fraud, the bench characterized it as an offense against the state, reasoning that dressing up Nepali citizens as foreign refugees eroded Nepal's credibility before the United Nations and third countries and damaged its international image. This framing is what elevated the case from a swindle to a matter of national interest, and it carries implications well beyond the individuals in the dock.
Understanding the arithmetic of the sentence requires one crucial legal detail. Although Rayamajhi received separate terms for each offense, under the Criminal Offenses (Determination and Execution of Sentences) Act, 2074, a convict serves only the single longest term rather than the sum of all of them. Fines, however, must be paid for every offense. That is why his integrated sentence settled at four years even though the individual counts, added together, would total more. This provision explains why so many of the principal accused ended up with an identical four-year ceiling despite differing lists of charges.
Age produced the one notable variation in how the sentence will actually be served. Indrajit Rai was assigned a four-year term, but as a senior citizen he received a substantial reduction under the law, leaving him to serve only a fraction of the original term. His case illustrates how sentencing on paper and sentencing in practice can diverge sharply for elderly defendants, a nuance that can blunt the deterrent force of an otherwise severe judgment.
The case dates back to Jeth 2080, when government prosecutors filed charges against 30 people for forgery, fraud, organized crime and offenses against the state, with more defendants added later through supplementary prosecution. Investigators found that the gang had misused the Home Ministry's machinery and government documents to prepare fake refugee lists and had extracted large sums from ordinary citizens promised resettlement abroad.
Politically, the verdict registers as a rare test of accountability for those with access to state power in Nepal. Sentencing a person who has held the office of deputy prime minister to imprisonment in a criminal case is itself unusual. That former ministers from across the political divide were convicted in the same case suggests the conspiracy cut across party lines, complicating any attempt to reduce it to a single party's wrongdoing.
Yet this is not the final word. Those convicted retain the right to appeal to higher courts, so the ultimate outcome will be settled only through the upper tiers of the judicial process. In addition, the cases of the eight absconding defendants will resume once they are arrested, meaning the full picture of the scandal, and its final tally of accountability, has yet to emerge.
Written by
Dipesh Ghimire
